Volume 7 Number 2 Biology and Society June 1990 The Journal of the Galton Institute

RECENT NUPTIALITY TRENDS AND PATTERNS IN KUWAIT KRISHAN L. KOHLI and MUSA’AD H. AL-OMAIM Central Statistical Office, Kuwait Summary Comparison of marriage data from the five-yearly censuses in Kuwait from 1970 to 1985, and vital statistics, show trends in marriage. Age at first marriage increased for women, but there was little change in men, so there was a narrowing of the age difference between spouses. There is a new tendency emerging for Kuwaiti males to marry non-Kuwaiti females. These changes are attributed to increasing education and employment of women, urbanisation and modernisation, and appear to be leading to a decline in fertility. Introduction Kuwait has experienced very rapid socioeconomic development in recent years. This has contributed to a significant improvement in the status of Kuwaiti women through expanding education and participation in the modernized sectors of the labour force. Such changes have affected attitudes towards marriage and divorce, patterns of marriage, marital dissolution and remarriage, and the roles and status of women in the family. This paper examines the changes in the incidence of marriage for Kuwaiti and non-Kuwaiti populations in terms of timing, patterns and trends of marriage, and suggests reasons for the differences. It sets out the trend and differentials in age at marriage, and examines the relationship between age at marriage and certain socioeconomic variables so as to identify possible determinants of age at marriage. Finally, it examines the relationship between age at marriage and fertility. Population characteristics and data sources One of the notable features of Kuwait’s population is the large proportion of non-Kuwaitis, who formed nearly 60 per cent of the total population in 1985. While the age composition of the Kuwaiti population is similar to that expected in a population with high fertility and low mortality, that of the non Kuwaitis is typically the structure of an immigrant population with a high proportion in the productive ages and a low proportion of teenagers. These two groups of population have always been considered separately in studies of the demography of Kuwait because of their different patterns of fertility, mortality, migration and nuptiality.1 The same procedure is followed here. Data on the population by age, sex, nationality and marital status collected in the censuses of 1970, 1975, 1980 and 1985 are used in this study. The censuses of 1975 and 1980 in particular, collected data on age at marriage and number of children born, and these data have been used to study the differentials in age at marriage, and also to examine the effect of age at marriage on fertility. In addition, data on marriage and divorce from vital statistics reports have been used, for these data are of reasonable accuracy. Evaluation of age, sex data done elsewhere2,3 showed that the data in five year age groups are fairly acceptable. Thus, no attempt has been made in this study to correct the reported ages. Figure 1: Percentage Distribution of Persons by Marital Status, 15 years old and over, by Nationality and Sex: Kuwait, 1970, 1975, 1980 and 1985 Recent trends in marital status Figure 1 shows the trends and differentials in marital status categories. While marriage remains nearly universal in Kuwait (Figure 1), between 1970 and 1985 some major changes took place in the rate of marriage. For Kuwaitis, there was a steady decline in the proportion of persons who reported themselves in the "married" category. For females the proportion fell from 63.9 to 60.4 while for males it declined from 60.7 to 58.9 per cent. There was also a steady decrease in the proportion of widowed persons, and a rise in the never-married. The proportion of never-married females swelled more than that of males. For males the proportion increased from 36.6 to 39.4, while for females it increased from 20.0 to 28.5 per cent. Such increase in the proportions of never-married persons and consequent decrease in the proportion of married persons reflect the postponement of marriage, probably brought about by social change in the Kuwaiti population, with increased educational opportunities and increased participation of women in employment in recent years than by avoidance of marriage. Non-Kuwaitis are more likely to be married than Kuwaitis. Between 1970 and 1985, the proportion never-married among non-Kuwaiti males declined, while the proportion married increased. For females, the reverse trend occurred. These shifts between the married and never-married categories maybe explained by changes in the age and sex structure of the migrant population and changes in the propensity to marry. However, the marital status of non-Kuwaiti men can be misleading since many marry at home and for one reason or another do not bring their wives to Kuwait. The proportion ever married among Kuwaiti men and women aged 45-49 (Table I) shows that marriage is almost universal in Kuwait. Males marry at older ages, but nearly everyone regardless of sex marries eventually, and few people remain unmarried above age 40. Females start to marry earlier than males. Some marry before age 20 but most of them do so between ages 20 and 29. But in the age group 25-29 over 16 per cent of the females were still unmarried in 1985. There is a clear indication that early marriage is becoming less common among Kuwaiti women and this is a new social phenomenon. The data show a substantial decrease over time in the proportion of young marriages, reflecting a clear trend towards later marriage. The changes appear to have been in the direction of delaying first marriage from the middle teenages to the late. Virtually every one ultimately marries, but there are wide variations in the timing of marriage. The proportion of never-married females in the age group 45-49 indicates the degree of permanent celibacy present in a society, which is about 2 per cent among Kuwaitis (Table 1). Among males, proportions never-married in the younger ages declined slightly over the years. Changes in the proportion married among males are, therefore, less pronounced than those among females. The female age at marriage increased notably over the 15 year period, as indicated by the proportion of single women at different ages. The proportion single among Kuwaiti females in the age group 15-19 increased from 66.1% in 1970 to 81.9% in 1985, and there were similar large increases in age groups 20-24 and 25-29. The singulate mean age at marriage (SMAM) for Kuwaiti females increased from 19.8 in 1970 to an average of 22.4 years in 1985. Among the non-Kuwaiti females, SMAM exhibited a sharp increase – from 18.9 in 1970 to 23.4 years in 1985. Thus, Kuwait follows a pattern of late age at marriage and contrasts sharply to non-marital transition societies like Bangladesh and India, where women marry between ages 14 and 16 years. Table I. Per Cent Distribution of Kuwaiti Population by Age, Sex and Marital Status 1970-1985 Age Proportion Never Married Proportion Married Proportion Divorced Proportion Widowed   1970 1975 1980 1985 1970 1975 1980 1985 1970 1975 1980 1985 1970 1975 1980 1985                                   15-19 97.5 98.1 98.1 97.4 2.4 1.9 1.9 2.5 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 20-24 69.9 71.9 71.8 68.6 29.6 27.7 27.7 30.6 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.7 0.1 0.0 0.1 0.1 25-29 30.2 30.8 29.0 27.4 68.8 68.8 69.9 71.2 0.8 0.7 1.0 1.3 0.2 0.2 0.1 0.1 30-34 10.5 11.8 10.9 10.0 88.1 87.1 88.0 88.6 1.0 0.9 1.0 1.3 0.4 0.2 0.1 0.1 35-39 6.8 6.0 5.4 5.3 91.9 92.9 93.6 93.4 0.8 0.7 0.7 1.1 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 40-44 4.9 4.4 3.1 3.6 92.8 94.4 95.8 95.2 1.0 0.7 0.7 0.9 1.3 0.5 0.4 0.3 45-49 3.7 2.9 2.2 2.3 94.1 95.3 96.6 96.3 0.8 0.9 0.6 0.8 1.4 0.9 0.6 0.6 50-54 0.0 3.3 2.0 2.3 92.1 93.8 95.9 95.5 1.4 0.8 1.0 0.8 3.5 2.1 1.1 1.4 55-59 2.7 2.3 1.9 1.9 91.7 93.5 95.3 95.1 1.3 0.8 0.7 1.2 4.3 3.4 2.1 1.8 60+ 2.2 3.1 2.5 1.7 80.4 84.6 87.2 87.6 1.8 1.2 1.3 1.1 15.6 11.1 8.9 9.6 TOTAL 36.6 38.8 39.4 39.4 90.7 59.4 59.9 58.9 0.7 0.6 0.6 0.8 2.0 1.2 0.9 0.9                                   15-19 66.1 71.4 79.8 81.9 33.0 28.0 19.6 17.6 0.7 0.5 0.5 0.4 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.1 20-24 23.8 32.1 38.7 39.1 73.7 65.8 59.0 58.6 2.0 1.7 2.0 2.0 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.3 25-29 6.7 12.6 14.8 16.5 89.7 84.2 81.6 79.6 2.4 2.3 2.6 3.2 1.2 0.9 1.0 0.7 30-34 3.3 5.1 8.1 8.6 90.6 89.1 86.9 86.4 3.2 3.4 3.0 3.1 2.9 2.4 2.0 1.9 35-39 1.8 2.6 3.5 5.5 89.0 89.2 88.8 86.9 3.7 3.6 3.3 3.3 5.5 4.6 4.4 4.3 40-44 2.2 2.0 1.9 2.4 77.8 82.6 84.2 84.7 4.9 4.6 4.5 3.8 15.1 10.8 9.4 9.1 45-49 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.9 68.1 75.0 76.6 77.3 4.1 4.6 5.1 4.3 26.2 18.8 16.7 16.5 50-54 1.7 2.0 1.6 1.2 48.4 57.4 63.6 67.0 4.7 5.4 4.7 5.0 45.2 35.2 30.1 26.8 55-59 1.3 1.6 1.5 0.8 42.1 49.2 54.5 54.4 3.9 4.8 4.6 4.8 52.7 44.4 39.4 40.0 60+ 1.0 1.5 1.6 1.0 21.0 26.2 27.8 27.7 2.8 3.6 3.7 3.4 75.3 68.7 66.9 67.9 TOTAL 20.0 24.0 27.6 28.5 63.9 63.0 60.4 60.0 2.6 2.6 2.7 2.6 13.5 10.4 9.3 8.9 Source: Ministry of Planning, Central Statistical Office, Census Reports 1970, 1975, 1980 and 1985. Marital dissolution and stability In 1985, the percentages of widowed and divorced were considerably higher among females than males (Table I); less than one per cent of males were widowed in comparison to nearly 9 per cent of females. As expected, the proportions widowed increase with advancing age in both sexes. Between 1970 and 1985, the proportion widowed declined for both sexes but the decline was much larger for females than for males. The reduction in widowhood is mainly due to the recent gains in mortality control. The higher incidence of widowhood among females is because women on the average tend to be 5 years younger than their husbands, women have lower death rates than men, and men whose wives have died have a greater chance of remarriage than widows. While widowhood is frequent at the older ages, especially in the ages above 45 years, divorce is prominent in the younger ages. The divorce rate, defined as the percentage of divorced to married persons aged 15 years and over, is high in Kuwait (9.4 percent in 1985), but the numbers reported in the censuses as currently divorced are not high because of the high frequency of remarriage. Remarriage rates for males are apparently higher than for females, because the proportion divorced and widowed in Kuwait is higher for females than males. Since 1970, the proportion of divorced among females has remained stable at a level of 2.6 to 2.7 per cent. The proportions of widowed and divorced are much lower for non-Kuwaiti than Kuwaiti. This may partly be explained by the fact that the non-Kuwaiti population includes fewer old people than Kuwaiti population. In the Arab countries, marriage provides the social setting within which almost all childbearing occurs; marital dissolution – either by death of a spouse or by divorce or separation – directly diminishes the likelihood of childbearing.4 The data on levels of marital dissolution in the age group 15-49 reveal that Kuwait had the lowest proportion of women widowed within 25-30 years of marriage (about 4.0 per cent) and also the lowest proportion divorced (3.6 per cent). This shows that marital dissolution is likely to have only a minor depressing effect on the overall level of marital fertility in Kuwait. Trends in inter-nationality marriages and divorce Marriage between Kuwaiti males and non-Kuwaiti females fluctuated between 10 to l7 per cent during 1971 to l981, grew to 14 percent in 1982, and thereafter remained fairly stable (Table II). One possible explanation for Kuwaiti males to marry females from other nationalities is the high cost of dowries. The proportion of Kuwaiti females marrying males from other nationalities was much lower, but recently it has gone up significantly; from 2.8 percent in 1971 to 5.6 percent in 1977 and to 9 per cent in 1981. This is probably attributable to the short supply of Kuwaiti men of marriageable age. But inter-nationality marriages are the source of social problems because of the differences in traditions and cultural values. Table II. Trends and Differentials in Some Selected Characteristics of Marriage by Nationality and Sex 1970-1986 Year Number of Divorces Crude Divorce Rates Divorce Rate per 1,000 married persons Per cent of wives by nationality Kuwaitis Non-Kuwaitis KUWAITIS 1970 815 2.3 7.5 86.0 14.0 1971 843 2.3 7.3 88.6 11.4 1972 806 2.0 6.5 88.5 11.5 1973 888 2.1 6.8 88.9 17.1 1974 978 2.1 6.9 88.4 11.6 1975 1,088 2.3 7.4 87.6 12.4 1976 1,139 2.3 7.5 85.7 14.3 1977 1,259 2.5 8.0 84.2 15.8 1978 1,163 2.2 7.1 86.5 13.5 1979 1,227 2.2 7.2 87.5 12.5 1980 1,494 2.6 8.6 88.1 11.9 1981 1,692 2.8 9.4 90.0 10.0 1982 1,750 2.9 9.4 88.1 11.9 1983 1,784 2.8 9.2 85.9 14.1 1984 1,827 2.8 9.1 86.0 14.0 1985 1,982 2.9 9.4 86.5 13.5 NON-KUWAITIS 1970 286 0.7 1.6 5.2 94.8 1971 257 0.6 1.5 2.8 97.2 1972 234 0.5 1.3 3.8 96.2 1973 298 0.6 1.5 3.5 96.5 1974 292 0.6 1.4 3.3 96.7 1975 329 0.6 1.5 3.4 96.6 1976 386 0.7 1.6 3.9 96.1 1977 426 0.7 1.6 5.8 94.2 1978 429 0.6 1.5 5.6 94.4 1979 481 0.6 1.6 5.7 94.3 1980 537 0.7 1.5 6.0 94.0 1981 611 0.7 1.6 6.2 93.8 1982 693 0.8 1.8 7.4 92.6 1983 723 0.8 1.7 8.0 92.0 1984 721 0.9 1.7 7.7 92.3 1985 757 0.9 1.5 9.0 91.0 Ministry of Planning, C.S.O. Marriage Reports, 1970 to 1985 Inter-marrying Kuwaiti males often marry women from Iraq, Egypt, Saudi and to a lesser extent also from Jordan and Palestine. This is because most non-Kuwaiti immigrants come from these countries. Females marrying males from other nationalities seem to choose Saudi, Iraq, Jordan and Palestine.2,3 An examination of the crude divorce rate suggests a small increase between 1970 and 1985 (Table II). The refined general divorce rate increased from from 6.5 in 1972, to 8.0 in 1977, and to 9.4 in 1985. The rates for non-Kuwaitis are much lower than rates for Kuwaitis; 1.4 versus 9.4 in 1985. The recent increases in the number and rates of divorces are not due exclusively to changes in the population, but are also, at least in part, due to a higher likelihood of the occurrence of divorce; no doubt partly because of the increasing trend of marrying foreign women. Most divorces occurred among newly married young couples who were not mature enough to face the responsibilities of married life.5 But there were also social reasons for divorce -family pressure or differences in age, educational or economic standards. The divorce registration data suggest that marriages between Kuwaiti men and non-Kuwaiti women tend to be less stable than those where both spouses are Kuwaiti nationals.6 Incidence of polygamy and multiple marriages Most Kuwaitis marry once during their lifetime. Only about a quarter of the males and 14 per cent of the females had married more than once in 1985, the average number of times married being 1.3 and 1.2 respectively for the two sexes. The high incidence of remarriage among males is due partly to the fact that it is more common for males to remarry after widowhood than for females, and partly to polygamy; polyandry is not allowed in Islam.7 In 1975, over 88 per cent of currently married Kuwaiti males had only one wife, little change from the corresponding proportions in 1980 and 1984 of 89.5 and 89.0. But in recent years, the practice of polygamy appears to have levelled off or declined slightly; no doubt partly because with increasing prosperity, urbanization and complexity of life, a polygynous marriage is more difficult to organise and sustain.8 Among non-Kuwaitis, polygamy is much less (around 1.5 per cent), partly because of their generally lower income levels and partly because some are non-Muslims. Though data on multiple marriages were not collected in the 1985 census, such data are available from the earlier censuses and also from recent registration statistics. The available data show that the distribution by number of wives has remained relatively stable; around 92-93 per cent of the polygynous Kuwaitis have two wives, between six and seven per cent have three and around one per cent have four. This pattern differs from those observed in other polygynous cultures such as in West Africa where third and fourth wives are more common.9 Husband’s age is strongly related to polygyny: the older the husbands the greater the proportion polygynous. In 1980, the proportion polygynous was about two per cent for men aged 20-29 and 15 per cent for those aged 40-60. The possible explanation for more multiple marriages among the older cohorts may be that the older men are in a better position than younger ones to pay a high bride price, and maintain several wives and a bigger family. Also the society is undergoing some modernization, thus leading to fewer multiple marriages in the young cohorts. However, younger persons may undertake multiple marriages at a later age, and their comparison with the older ones may not be fully justifiable.10 The proportion polygynous decreases with higher educational attainment of husbands.2 In 1980, 12.8 per cent of illiterate Kuwaiti were polygynous, compared with 2.8 with secondary education and 1.5 per cent of college graduates. Trends and differentials in age at marriage In Kuwait, there is no legal age for marriage, but most girls marry between 15 and 24 years of age and men between 20 and 30 (Table III). Data for 1970 show a median age at first marriage of 26.5 years for males and 19.3 for Kuwaiti females, a difference of 7.2 years. From 1970 to 1985, the median age declined by 2.0 years for males and increased by 1.7 years for females, with the result that the average age difference between spouses narrowed to 3.5 years in 1985. The mean age at marriage was generally higher by about 2 years for males and between 1-2 years for females but the trend of mean age at marriage was similar to that of median age. The declining trend in age at marriage for males perhaps may be attributed to the better economic conditions which probably have influenced the ability and the desire of Kuwaiti males to marry and establish a household earlier than in the past. The average age at marriage for non-Kuwaitis was higher than for Kuwaitis in all cases. Again there was an increasing trend in the mean or median age at marriage for females, but for males they were relatively stable, so that the age differential between husband and wife declined in recent years. The higher age at marriage in non-Kuwaitis may be related to their higher education level and more participation in the labour force. Also, many single immigrants need more time after their arrival to settle into their new life before they marry. These trends are manifestations of social changes, which include broadened educational opportunities especially for girls, increased urbanization and modernization, increased participation of women in employment, and changes in attitudes of both parents and children. Besides these causes, the rise in age at marriage for females may have been due to a growing shortage of potential spouses in the marriageable ages. The study of the differentials in the age at marriage by certain socioeconomic characteristics is useful in identifying the socioeconomic variables which may be manipulated to bring about change in the age at marriage in a population, if and when desired. However, the variables that can be studied depend on the availability of data. The registration data do not provide the necessary information for studying the effects of socioeconomic variables. On the other hand, census data provide limited information on age at marriage by socioeconomic variables, restricted to female educational attainment and participation of women in the labour force. The differentials in age at marriage can therefore be considered only for these two variables. The relevant median ages are presented in Table IV. Table IV shows no significant variation between those who had no school certificate (illiterate women and those who can read or write but had no school certificate) and those who had only a primary certificate. But beyond primary education, there is a strong positive relationship between educational level of women and age at marriage. As the educational level increases, the median age at marriage also increases. The median age at marriage is at its maximum among university graduate females. The trend of increasing median age at marriage from low to high education categories is clearly noticeable for younger birth cohorts i.e. those born 15-49 years before the year 1980. Table III Average Age at Marriage by Nationality and Sex 1970-1985   Kuwaiti Non-Kuwaiti Year Median Age Mean Age Median Age Mean Age   Male Female Difference Male Female Difference Male Female Difference Male Female Difference 1970 26.5 19.3 7.2 28.7 20.9 7.8 27.5 20.5 7.0 28.5 22.2 6.3 1971 25.8 19.1 6.7 27.7 20.4 7.3 27.8 20.4 7.4 28.8 22.3 6.5 1792 26.3 19.2 7.1 27.9 20.7 7.2 28.1 21.1 7.0 29.2 22.2 6.3 1973 26.0 19.5 6.5 28.1 20.9 7.2 28.2 20.9 7.3 29.3 22.5 6.8 1974 25.5 19.7 5.8 27.8 21.0 6.8 28.5 21.3 7.2 29.8 23.1 6.7 1975 25.3 19.9 5.4 27.5 21.1 6.4 28.4 20.5 7.9 29.5 22.2 7.3 1976 24.7 20.0 4.7 27.2 21.1 6.1 28.7 21.4 7.3 30.0 23.0 7.0 1977 24.9 20.0 4.9 27.6 21.3 6.3 28.5 21.6 6.9 29.7 23.2 6.5 1978 24.7 20.0 4.7 27.0 21.0 6.0 28.5 21.9 6.6 29.9 23.4 6.5 1979 24.7 20.0 4.7 26.9 21.2 5.7 28.3 21.8 6.5 29.8 23.2 6.4 1980 24.7 20.1 4.6 26.8 21.2 5.6 28.4 22.2 6.2 29.6 23.6 6.0 1981 24.8 20.7 4.1 26.8 21.6 5.2 28.2 22.1 6.1 29.5 23.5 6.0 1982 24.5 20.7 3.8 26.1 21.6 4.5 28.4 22.3 6.1 29.7 23.7 6.0 1983 24.5 20.8 3.7 26.1 21.7 4.4 28.1 22.3 5.8 29.3 23.5 5.8 1984 24.4 20.7 3.7 25.9 21.6 4.3 27.9 21.8 6.1 29.5 24.0 5.5 1985 24.5 21.0 3.5 26.2 21.7 4.5 28.3 23.0 5.3 29.8 24.4 5.4 Source: Ministry of Planning, Central Statistical Office, Vital Registration Reports 1968 to 1981   Table IV Median Age at First Marriage According to Age of Kuwaiti Females by Educational Attainment and Activity Status, 1980 Current age Educational attainment Illiterate Literate Primary Intermediate Secondary University Total 15-24 17.4 17.6 17.6 18.1 20.1 21.6 17.8 25-29 18.3 18.3 18.6 20.3 22.0 23.0 19.1 15-29 17.8 17.9 17.9 18.7 21.1 22.5 18.3 30-34 18.4 18.5 18.8 20.0 23.0 24.0 19.0 35-39 18.6 18.0 18.2 19.0 22.1 25.1 18.7 40-44 18.8 18.1 18.1 18.6 21.3 24.7 18.7 45-49 19.1 18.6 18.3 19.6 20.6 * 19.0 30-49 18.7 18.3 18.5 19.5 22.6 24.2 18.8 50+ 19.7 18.8 19.5 20.0 22.7 * 19.7 Total 18.5 18.2 18.1 18.9 21.5 23.0 18.7   Activity status Current age Active Inactive Married Divorced Widowed Total Married Divorced Widowed Total 15-19 21.5 19.6 18.4 21.4 18.0 18.1 17.3 18.0 30-39 22.4 18.0 18.6 21.9 18.7 19.0 18.3 18.7 50+ 22.4 20.0 19.6 20.6 19.7 19.8 19.6 19.7 Total 21.8 19.2 18.5 21.6 18.4 18.8 19.2 18.5 * The median is not calculated because of small number in the group Source: Ministry of Planning, Central Statistical Office, Census 1980. In addition to education, participation of women in the labour force also affects the age at marriage, with higher median ages at marriage among women who are economically active (Table IV). Further, this occurs in each of the marital status categories and in all birth cohorts. Age at first marriage and fertility Age of entry into marriage and duration of marriage are important determinants of a woman’s cumulative fertility. For Kuwaiti women married once, there is a negative association between age at marriage and fertility (Table V); this finding may reflect higher educational status of women who marry later in life. For all durations of marriage combined, the average number of children born varied from 5.9 for those who married before 15 years of age to 2.4 for those who married at age 40 or more. Women who married before 15 years of age had on average 1.3 more live births each than those who married at age 15-19 years. Within each marriage duration, in general, the mean number of children born was larger the earlier the age at marriage. The negative association tends to become more pronounced with increasing marital duration. Table V. Average Number of Children Born Alive for Kuwaiti Females Married Once by Age at Marriage and Duration of Marriage, 1980 Duration of marriage Age at marriage Total <15 15-19 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40+   0- 4 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.8 0.8 0.5 0.1 0.9 5- 9 2.9 2.9 2.7 2.6 2.3 1.8 1.5 2.8 10-14 4.7 4.7 4.4 4.2 3.8 3.0 2.5 4.6 15-19 6.3 6.2 5.8 5.2 4.5 3.7 2.7 6.0 20-24 7.4 7.1 6.1 5.5 4.6 4.6 3.4 6.7 25-29 8.0 7.4 6.3 5.4 4.9 3.6 3.7 7.1 30+ 7.7 6.8 5.4 5.0 4.4 4.3 3.4 6.4 Total 5.9 4.6 3.8 3.5 3.4 2.8 2.4 4.4 Source: Ministry of Planning, Central Statistical Office, Census 1980. Conclusion While marriage has remained almost universal in Kuwait, significant changes have taken place recently in the tempo of nuptiality. There has been a rise in age at first marriage for females, as shown in the singulate age at marriage which has increased from 19.8 years in 1970 to 22.4 in 1985. Another important change has been a narrowing of the age differences between spouses. This is partially due to the fact that the change in nuptiality was sharper among women than men. Increasing educational opportunities for young women, urbanization and modernization and a greater participation of women in the labour force have played a major role in raising age at marriage and will continue to do so in the near future. There is a new trend for Kuwaiti males to marry non-Kuwaiti women or vice versa. This has contributed to an increasing problem of divorce among Kuwaitis. The Kuwaiti population is basically monogamous. Despite the sanction of polygamy by Islam, it is practised by a relatively small minority, around 10 per cent. Polygamy is more common among older and less educated men. The declining trend in polygamy in recent years is tied to education and other aspects of economic and social change. Changing marriage patterns have had important effects on fertility and population growth among Kuwaitis. Fertility has declined steadily in the last 10 years. The declining proportion married in the younger age groups has been the main reason for declining fertility among Kuwaitis. There is also evidence that marital dissolution has only a minor depressing effect on the overall level of marital fertility. Within each marital duration category, the mean number of children born is higher the earlier the age at marriage. The negative association between age at marriage and fertility tends to become more pronounced with increasing marital duration. Women’s education and economic activity are closely associated with age at first marriage. References 1. Zachariah, K. C., Al-Khan, M. Mi and Al-Ayat, A. (1970). Trends and components of population growth in Kuwait. In: Demographic Measures and Population Growth in Arab Countries, Cairo Demographic Center, Monograph 1. 2. Central Statistical Office, Ministry of Planning, Kuwait. Research Studies on Population, 1980 Census Analysis; nos 1, 3, 7. 3. Central Statistical Office, Ministry of Planning, Kuwait. Research Studies on Population, 1987 Census Analysis; nos 1, 6. 4. United Nations, Department of International Economic and Social Affairs. Fertility Behaviour in the context of Development, Population Studies 1987; 100; 347. 5. A1-Yasecn, A. Arab Times 1988; February 22. 6. Shah, N. and Al Omaim, M. The population dynamics of the State of Kuwait. Population Research Unit, League of Arab Nations 1988. 7. Jones, G. W. and Sidju, M. S. Ethnic and regional differences in marital status in Peninsular Malaysia. Pop. Geog. 1979, 1; 2. 8. Jones, G. Malay marriage and divorce. Pop. Dev. Rev. 1981; 7; 2. 9. Caldwell, P. Issues of marriage and marital changes; Tropical Africa and the Middle East. In: Family and Marriage in Some African and Asiatic Countries, Cairo Demographic Center 1976; monograph 6. 10. Duza, B. M. and Omiat, J. Nuptiality and fertility in Tororo, Uganda. In: Family and Marriage in Some African and Asiatic Countries. Cairo Demographic Center 1976; monograph 6.